Aluminium Presentation Essay Example for Free

Aluminium Presentation Essay Ive done my presentation on Aluminium and will be talking to you about its properties, where its found and its uses and why its the best material for these purposes. Aluminium. Chemical symbol Al. Atomic weight approx 27 Atomic number 13 and electronic configuration 2-8-3. Appearance- pure aluminium is a shiny silvery white material. Down to the molecular level aluminium has a polycrystalline structure where the metal has cooled from different areas of the material where. Where these areas meet are called the grain boundary. This structure gives aluminium its many properties. Density The first thing you notice about aluminium is its relatively lightweight. It has a density of 2,7g/mm3. This is about 1/3 the weight of a piece of steel the same size. Resists Corrosion like many other metals aluminium is very reactive in air and thus a fine layer of aluminium oxide is created on the surface. This provides provides a highly effective barrier to the ravages of air, temperature, moisture and chemical attack. 0.000000635cm Highly reflective Free electrons in the metal absorb the light energy then immediately re emit it.emits 90* of the light that it absorbs. This would not happen if free electrons wernt present. Ductile Aluminium can be bent and shaped extremely easily. This is because of it polycrystalline structure. Along the grain boundaries of the material dislocations in the atoms occur. It is the movement of these dislocations that makes this metal very ductile. This is good for shaping aluminium but very bad for its strength. Strength like many other of aluminiums properties it depends on the purity of the material 99.996 per cent pure aluminium has a tensile strength of about 49 megapascals (MPa), Unlike materials such as steel, aluminium gets stronger as temperature drops. rising to 700 MPa following alloying and suitable heat treatment. Conductance aluminium is one of the best conductors of electricity. Because it is a metal it ontains almost a soup of free flowing electrons which make it very easy for a current to flow through it. Aluminium itself conducts about 63% of that of copper of the same mass. Aluminium is also a great conductor of heat conducting about 220 Watts Occurance Aluminium is the most abundant metal in the earths crust. Only the non metal elements oxygen and silicon are more abundant. The largest deposits of aluminium are found in Australia, Guinea and West Indies. Aluminium does not occur in its pure form but as either an aluminium silicate or as bauxite which consists of aluminium oxide and commonly iron oxide also. As seen in the picture the aluminium ore is a redish colour this is caused by the iron ore mix. Bauxite is produced through chemical weathering of rocks in tropical climate. Extraction The method now used for aluminiums commercial production is the electrolysis. An iron pot, lined with carbon, is charged with cryolite and heated to about 800à ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½C by the electric current. For the electrolysis, a bundle of carbon rods is used as the anode, while the pot itself forms the cathode. The oxygen liberated combines with the carbon of the anode to form carbon dioxide, while the aluminium falls to the bottom of the vessel. More alumina is added and the process continued, the molten metal being drawn off from time to time. Uses Aircrafts Mainly because of its lightweight. This feature is utilized by aircraft and can cut the weight down by up to 5 tonnes. This means planes can fly fast and be more economical. This also applies to all transportation allowing increased loading capacity also. Usually it isnt actually pure aluminium because of its poor strength but instead alloys of aluminium which can be as strong as 700 Mpa. Buildings Aluminium is used in construction mainly because of its corrosion resistance. Its is also a very easy material to shaped and mould making it ideal for the uses in construction Electrics Aluminium is a very economical material as an electric conductor and is widely utilized in power transmission cables. Aluminium only has 60% conductivity of copper but weighs a 1/3 as much making it ideal for large power cables. Heat aluminium is about 3 times as thermal conductive as steel. This feature is used in cooking utensils, engines, air conditioners and it is also being used in energy saving equipment such as solar cells. Reflective Because aluminium is reflective of most electric, heat and light waves it is being more commonly used in the insulation of homes. Harsh conditions Unlike steel which gets brittle in cold conditions aluminium get stronger making it the perfect material to use in harsh conditions. Aluminium is now being used on snow-mobiles Cans aluminium is a non toxic material, smooth, easily washable and is hygienic because no germs an grow on it. Also because malleability it can be shaped into any shaped or form making it ideal for packaging Because of aluminiums low melting point approx 600 C it is the ideal material in this age of energy and resource saving to recycle.

Economic Value of Sustainable Development

Economic Value of Sustainable Development Introduction The generation living presently should leave the enhancement of air, water and soil resources as normal, as pure and not polluted as they found it to be for the future generations. Its quiet impossible to achieve such intergenerational equity given global environmental problems that emanate through human activities. Therefore following the Brundtland (1987) view, Sustainable Development implies meeting developmental needs of present human beings without compromising/sacrificing the needs of future generations. Sustainable Development is an injunction not to satisfy ourselves by depriving our successors (future generation) a pure ecosystem, particularly of finite resources. Environmentalist/Ecologists typically argue that archiving sustainable development requires treating natural resources (exhaustible and non-exhaustible) with care as they form part of all human productive activities. Whilst on the other hand, Economists believe that individual consumers will automatically adopt env ironmental preferences such that it leads towards environmental preservation, in other words: the market will solve all problems. Sustainable Development has arguably been the centre of debate amongst different schools of thought, particularly between the Neo Classical school of thought and the Ecological school of thought (as we can see the different approaches used by the schools in the above paragraph). The environments capacity to accommodate human activity is questionable given the arising problems of unsustainable development that’s enhanced by the rate at which humans devalue certain environmental amenities and also by the rate in which humans discount future costs and benefits for present costs and benefits. This assignment is particularly aimed at exploring, how valuing and discounting of the ecological system by humans relate to sustainable development. The rationale behind discounting by individuals is the preference for consumption now as opposed to sometime in the future (time preference). This preference may be composed of factors associated with the risk in delaying consumption, with the fact that increased wealth in the future might reduce the relative worth of the postponed consumption, and with possibly irrational, â€Å"pure† time preference (Tim Cowards, 1997: 28-39). Whilst on the other hand R. Kerry Turner, Jouni Paavola,†¦, (2003; 493-510) believe the rationale behind valuation is not having a defined monetary price tag on environmental goods but rather to express the effect of a marginal change in ecosystem services provision in terms of a trade off against other things people value. Theoretical Analysis of the Discount Rate Sustainable Development As defined earlier, discounting future environmental benefits for present environmental benefits has resulted in large controversies and can have severe implications on policy formulations that seek to strengthen abatement levels in achieving sustainable development. Environmentalists typically despise the act of discounting as it impoverishes the ecological well-being of future generations thus resulting to unsustainable development. In understanding the concept of discounting, John Quiggin (1997: pp. 65 – 90) applies a basic example where; if a 1 dollar benefit subject to arise in thirty years, comprising a discounted current value of 10 cents, an individual consumer in thirty years will therefore have at margin, a weight of 10 cents relative to an individual born today. This basic example shows how future generations can be made worse off due to present human activities. Therefore we can clearly see that policies which seek to enhance present consumption coupled with resour ce depletion such that there’s predominantly scarcer finite resources in the future is associated with discounting procedures. Therefore the discounting procedure in-relation to sustainable development hampers strategic aims of intergeneration equity that seeks to distribute finite resources equally for both current and future generations. Tom Crowards (1997, 28-39) stipulates that the rationale behind discounting by the society is that they face a preference on whether to consume now or to consume in the future (time preference). Such that this factor is associated with risk of delaying consumption, as the value of the worth in the future might be relatively worth less in present terms. Given that we can clearly see that there’s an opportunity cost associated with present consumption, which is said to be the return that society might derive by delaying consumption. Computation of the discount rate: The most common method to use when computing the discount rate is the Ramsey Rule. The Ramsey Rule enables us to get an efficient discount rate that is made equal to the interest rate, which measures the opportunity cost of funds in the economy. The discount rate is given by r: r = ÃŽ ´ + ÃŽ ·g Where ÃŽ ´: Measures the time preference faced by the society which was slightly discussed in the above section. This time preference stipulates the extent to which the society discounts future welfare. Such that the higher the value of ÃŽ ´, relatively implies less abatement measures today as less weight is being put to future damages. Sterner Martin (2007, 07-37) argued that some economists use a very low time preference value anticipating the risk that future generations might not be alive to witness environmental problems particularly of climate change. Where ÃŽ ·: is the marginal elasticity of utility to income thus measuring the curvature of the utility function. The higher the value on the marginal elasticity of utility to income relatively implies the richer we become in the future. Therefore the higher the value of ÃŽ ·, higher abatement levels will be taken as a higher ÃŽ · results to higher environmental damages. Where g: Ressembles the growth rate for a particular eceonomy. Most economists tend to fix it to one given implications and technicalities it may lead us to when trying to find the discount rate. Discussion Analysis of Discount Rates: There has been large controversy amongst various authors such as Ralph Winkler (2009), Thomas Sterner Martin Persson (2012) over the extent to which the current generation discount future environmental benefits. Ralph Winkler (2009) analyses optimal investment in environmental protection and believes that human beings engage in hyperbolic discounting which is derived from the shortcomings of exponential discounting. Hyperbolic discount rates suggest that the discount rate of the society declines overtime due to three factors; Firstly, Empirical evidence suggests policy makers utilize a declining discount rate rather than a constant discount rate when making decisions about abatement levels for future environment (Frederick et al 2002., Gintis, 2000). Secondly, implications of uncertainty relating to the state of the world in the future leads to certainty-equivalent discount rate (Azfar, 1999, Gollier, 2002, Weitzman, 1998). Thirdly, it is believed that declining discount rates are consistent with intergenerational equity (Li Lofgren, 2000, Chichilnisky, 1996). Hyperbolic discount rate has its limitations such as its failure to be time-consistent; therefore Ralph Winkler assumes a non-overlapping generation which is represented by a single agent. He believed the limitations of hyperbolic discounting will be eliminated by assuming the above and given that hyperbolic discounting stems from the societies uncertainty over the future, than there’s no issue of time-inconsistencies’ if plans about the environment are updated as new information becomes available. On the other hand, the view of a high discount rate by Thomas Sterner Martin Persson (2007) stems from the Stern Review (2006) which was a discussion paper aimed at providing policy makers input on the impact of climate change. Thomas Sterner Martin Persson based their strong criticism over the low discount rate and non-market damages of climate change that are underestimated in the Stern Report. The two authors believed taking into account relative price could change the composition of the discount rate as changing relative prices (particularly of environmental goods) due to climate change can have severe impacts on the economy. Given that, the Stern Review made use of the Ramsey Rule when computing the discount rate as shown by the following equation: r = ÃŽ ´ + ÃŽ ·g Thomas Sterner Martin Persson (2007) modified the Ramsey Rule that gave a low discount rate and rather made use of the DICE model which takes into account changing relative prices between market goods and environmental goods such that they arrive to the following equation: Taking into account relative prices (particularly the environmental component denoted by ÃŽ ³E) will result to a high discount rate such that policy makers will strengthen abatement measures of the dealing with the impacts of climate change. The figure below presents a scenario where after relative prices are taken into account policy makers’ intern take severe abatement measures of dealing with climate change which can be significantly reduced by minimizing greenhouse gas levels in the atmosphere. As we can see in the above figure, initially the Stern discounting (low discount rate) comprises a low carbon dioxide emissions compared to Sterner Martin’s discounting (high discount rate) but in the long-run the high discount rate results to low carbon dioxide emission compared to a low discount rate given changes in relative prices of environmental goods. This effect illustrates that taking relative prices into account can enhance necessary abatement levels that’s in the same order of magnitude as changing the discount rate. Theoretical Analysis of Economic Valuation Sustainable Development It is believed that predominant sustainable development is coupled with the extent to which the society values the environment and the extent to which the society is willing invests current environmental benefits to future generations. Environmental valuation is believed to be the process by which the society attaches monetary values on environmental goods and services. Environmental goods and services can be complex in-terms of breaking them down and attaching monetary values as many of which have no easily observed market prices, this includes environmental goods and services ranging from coral reefs, scenic views, biodiversity, mountain vistas, etc. The benefits of having an environment are believed to have value only if they enter an individual’s utility function or a firm’s production function, such that environmental benefits that fail to meet the two conditions are said to have no economic value (Nick Hanley, Clive L. Spash, 1488-1490). Therefore the rationale be hind monetary valuing the costs and benefits of environmental goods and services is to allow for monetary comparison between market goods and non-market goods. Richard B. Howarth Richard B. Norgaard (1992, 473-477) stated that the imperfection of the environmental market is a major source of societies overexploiting the availability of natural resources such that, if the value of these resources are known then optimal efficient levels would emanate. It’s further emphasized that environmental value towards achieving sustainable development is interdependent upon each generation’s commitment towards transferring to the next sufficient natural resources and capital assets to make development sustainable. Therefore, Richard B. Howarth Richard B. Norgaad (1997, 473-477) explicitly states the existence of a relationship between intertemporal allocative efficiency and intergenerational asset distribution towards understanding how valuing affects sustainable development. This explicit relationship is depicted by the graph below: In the above figure, we can see that the vertical axis measures utility of future generations and the horizontal axis measuring the utility of current generations. The 45* degree line represents the substitutability threshold between future and current generations. Each point on the utility possibility frontier represents an efficient allocation of resources. If initially the economy is inefficient at point A, environmental valuation could possibly move the economy to point B (on the utility possibility frontier). Neither of the two points are sustainable given that future generations are made worse-off by the actions of current generations. Policy and implementation of intergenerational equity within the economy could possibly move the economy to point A* which is inefficient but sustainable. A society that values environmental amenities would enhance a sustainable and efficient allocation of environmental resources such that the economy is at point B*. Approaches to environmental valuation: Economists define valuation based on an anthropocentric, utilitarian approach, which focuses on measures of individual well-being. The economic value of changes in environmental goods and services is derived from measuring the effects of these changes on human welfare (Lee, J.F.J., M. Springborn, S.L Handy, J.F. Quinn and F.M. Shilling, 2010, Pp.123). Economists typically argue that the multiple values of the ecosystem can be best represented by the total economic value (TEV) framework which comprises use values and non-use values. Use values are regarded as values related to environmental features associated with an individual. The use-values can be direct or indirect; to such an extent that direct use-value involves human interactions with the environment, whilst direct use-values can be classified into consumption and non-consumption uses. Consumption-uses involve the extraction of resources from the ecosystem for human consumption (consumable resources such as, fish, food, timber, etc.). While on the other hand, non-consumption uses are environmental goods not directly associated with the day-to-day consumption activities of humans (these include, wild-life viewing, hiking, scenic vistas, etc.). Indirect uses are derived from environmental functions such as groundwater recharge and the option of keeping use-values at a later stage respectively. Non-use values are the remaining values aside from consumption and non-consumption uses. This includes existence value, such that people benefit by having knowledge of the existence of a particular environmental attribute. The distinction made can be best summarized by the following figure below: Figure 3: Classification of total economic value and valuation methods Methodologies for valuating environmental goods services There’re two broad categories for evaluating environmental goods and services, according to Lee, J.F.J., M. Springborn, S.L Handy, J.F. Quinn and F.M. Shilling (2010, Pp.123) these two categories include revealed preferences and stated preferences. Both categories can be used to capture use-values but stated preference is more adequate in measuring non-use values. Revealed Preferences This approach is fairly dependent upon the connection between market goods and non-market goods such that advantage can be taken by the amount of money paid for market goods .e.g. the connection between local water quality and residential housing. Revealed preferences generally involve choices that humans make in the market. Revealed preferences include methods of evaluation such as: Recreational demand, Hedonics, Market prices, and averting behaviour. Recreational Demand Method: Recreational components of environmental typically include wildlife viewing, boating, hiking, etc. therefore the quality of the environment can arguably affect these recreational opportunities at site. There’re two basic models used to value recreational components provided by the environment, they’re; standard travel cost models and the random utility model. The standard travel cost model identifies the number of visits to particular environmental site and random utility model considers the individuals choice of selection from a range of environmental sites. This method of valuation can be best applied if an environmental attribute of concern influences recreational use. Hedonic Models: Explains price differences using data on the different characteristics of a marketed good. These are implicit prices of attributes and are revealed to economic agents from observed prices of differentiated products and the specific amounts of characteristics associated with them (Rosen 1974). If the Hedonic price function is estimated accurately then estimates represent an individuals’ marginal willingness to pay for the environmental quality. This method is commonly used if an environmental attribute directly affects the price of marketed goods. Market Prices Method: When environmental goods or services can be purchased in the market then market prices can be directly used to evaluate environmental attributes. This process is regarded as the production function approach as it considers the environmental conditions as an input in the production of marketed goods. In other words, environmental attributes contribute to the production of marketed goods. This application of this approach is mostly present in habitat and fishery linkages. Averting behaviour Models: Averting behaviour models asses the individual’s willingness to engage in defensive behaviour in an attempt to eliminate morbidity risk by achieving a desired level of health while accounting for the cost of defensive behaviour. In other words, averting behaviour models asses the individuals’ act of protecting health and the general well-being. Stated Preferences Here economists generally consider intentions made by the individuals in hypothetical market situations. Stated preference methods are based upon surveys that distinguish values that individuals place on goods or services. Stated preferences comprises of two segments, namely contingent valuation and conjoint analysis which both comprise the adoption of simulated markets. This sort of valuation methods are the only ones capable of capturing non-use values as they’re mostly used when collecting information on the value placed on environmental attributes by those who value their existence. Contingent Valuation: A contingent valuation basically describes an environmental scenario and therefore estimates the value attached to the particular environmental change scenario. Individuals would therefore reveal their willingness to pay (WTP) for the change. In other words, this sort of method evaluates an individual’s willingness to pay or accept a specific change in environmental attribute. In order for the survey to be effective, respondents a required to understand what’s being valued and have a sense on how they would be willing to trade off between changing environmental attribute and income. Conjoint Analysis: This statistical method is typically used in determining the value of a set of environmental attributes. Researchers generally identify a set of environmental attributes of which individuals/respondents are expected to rank these environmental attributes to a specific value. This method has been projected useful when dealing with environmental evaluation questions that cover multiple dimensions which vary over a range. As conjoint† analysis considers trade-offs among different dimensions, this method can be used to rank policy options that would have various impacts over multiple attributes of the environmental† amenity of concern. Conjoint Analysis and Contingent Valuation are similar when applied accept that conjoint analysis doesn’t ask respondents to disclose their willingness to pay for environmental amenities.

The Problems with Fracking Essay -- Environmentalism, Human Health

No Fracking Way Imagine a world where fresh and clear water was a luxury. Imagine water so contaminated with chemicals that every plant it comes into contact with dies. As the trees begin to die, oxygen levels drop. As the vegetation dies, wildlife begins to die out. The polluted water which flows through the ground into wells causes instant contamination. As the water flows out of the sink, one can strike a match and light the liquid on fire. Showering in these chemicals is out of the question. Fresh water has become a comfort, rather than a given. Could planet Earth survive this existence? If hydraulic fracturing, otherwise known as fracking, were deemed legal, this question may be put to the test. Fracking is a process in which chemicals, sand and water are used in â€Å"high volumes†¦ to fracture gas-bearing layers of rock† (Dolesh 2). As the rock breaks, natural gas is released and then collected to be used as energy. The United States is currently sitting on a gold mine of natural gas which could stimulate our ever declining economy. The question is what price are we willing to pay for a temporary fix? Fracking is a dangerous process that should be deemed illegal due to its harmful short and long-term environmental effects. Before one can see the devastating effects of fracking, one must first understand how fracking works. As previously stated, the main intent of hydro-fracking is to access and harvest natural gas that lies below the surface of the Earth. Having formed over 400 million years ago by the collision of tectonic plates (Marsa 3), the Marcellus Shale plays host to a gold mine of natural gas, which is currently at the center of the fracking debate in the Northeastern region of the United States. Unfortunately, access... ...er, Cyril Josh. â€Å"Fracking Up: New York State Continues The Debate Over Gas Extraction Process.† New York Amsterdam News (2011): 4. Academic Search Complete. Web. 7 Nov. 2011. Dolesh, Richard â€Å"Fracktured Parks.† Parks & Recreation 46.6 (2011): 56-61. Academic Search Complete. Web. 4 Nov. 2011. Marsa, Linda. â€Å"Fracking Nation.† Discover 32.4 (2011): 62-70. Academic Search Complete. Web. 4 Nov. 2011. Morriss III, James C., and Christopher D. Smith. â€Å"The Shales And Shale-Nots: Environmental Regulation Of Natural Gas Development. (Cover Story).† Energy Litigation Journal 9.4 (2010): 1-23. Academic Search Complete. Web. 18 Nov. 2011. Peltier, Robert. â€Å"Fracking Problems.† Power 155.8 (2011): 6. Academic Search Complete. Web. 18 Nov. 2011. Rahman, Hashim. â€Å"New York Puts Fracking On Hold.† Planning 77.2 (2011): 4. Academic Search Complete. Web. 4 Nov. 2011.

Matrimony and Recompense in Measure for Measure :: Shakespeare Measure Essays

Matrimony and Recompense in Measure for Measure (A version of this essay appeared in Shakespeare Quarterly 46 (Winter, 1995), 454-464.) Since 1970, when the Isabella of John Barton's RSC production of Measure for Measure first shocked audiences by silently refusing to acquiesce to the Duke's offer of marriage at the end of the play, Isabella's response (or lack thereof) to the Duke's proposal has become one of the most prevalent subjects for Shakespearean performance criticism.See, for example, Jane Williamson, "The Duke and Isabella on the Modern Stage," The Triple Bond: Plays, Mainly Shakespearean, in Performance, ed. Joseph G. Price (University Park: Penn State UP, 1975), pp. 149-69; Ralph Berry, "Measure for Measure on the Contemporary Stage," Humanities Association Review 28 (1977), 241-47; Philip C. McGuire, Speechless Dialect: Shakespeare's Open Silences (Berkeley: U of California P, 1985); and Graham Nicholls, Measure for Measure: Text and Performance (London: Macmillan Education, 1986). However, attention to this issue has tended to overshadow another ambiguous aspect of the same stage sequence: the question of why the Duke asks Isabella to marry him in the first place. It is generally agreed that the text provides no evidence to suggest a romantic attachment to Isabella on the Duke's part until the moment of his proposal, but the play's stage history reveals a pattern of attempts to supply what the text lacks, either through stage business or interpolated declarations of love. Hal Gelb notes, "Critics and directors have so keenly felt a sense of the marriage as a tacked-on after-thought that they have sought ways to prepare it earlier in the play" ("Duke Vincentio and the Illusion of Comedy or All's Not Well that Ends Well," SQ, 22 [1971], 31). These attempts, based on a culturally specific conception of matrimony as prompted by erotic desire, disregard other textually prominent motivations for marriage grounded in Renaissance moral, social, and financial concerns. Ann Jennalie Cook, comparing contemporary notions of marriage to those of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, writes , "Despite the romantic ideas expressed in plays and poetry, most marriages were contracted on the basis of interest rather than affect. Society demanded a legitimate male heir to preserve the family name and properties. Moreover, the financial arrangements of a marriage settlement were essential to insure that both parties could live securely until death. Marriage was also viewed as the safest outlet for the healthful discharge of sexual appetites.

President Truman and his Policies Essay -- American Government, Polit

By the end of World War II, the United States seems as by far the world’s most ultimate power. The country has world’s most powerful navy and air force at that period of time. United States proves that it can lead the rest of the world to future in terms of international cooperation, expanding democracy, and ever-increasing living standards. New institutions such as United States and World Bank are just a few examples that promote this argument. However, the only power that could rival the United States was Soviet Union, whose armies now occupied most of Eastern Europe, including eastern part of Germany. However, at the end of World War II and beginning of the Cold War U.S as a world’s superior power has a great president named Harry S. Truman (1945-1953). An undistinguished senator from Missouri, who never expected to become president until Democratic Party leaders chose him to replace Henry Wallace as Roosevelt’s running mate in 1994. During his pre sidency, he took many challenges and stood out successfully in most of them. His strongest argument was for the defense of freedom; he did his best during his entire presidency to protect the civil rights of every citizen for his nation. He took his office at that time, when America was facing already 2 great wars; and all people are tired of wars. However, the Cold War took the place at the end of World War II, where all nations are scared to fights because of their own found deadly weapon. The president always wants peacetime and tries to deal his best with the help of his foreign policies. Though, he wants to stand his nation as the strongest and powerful compare to their rival Soviet Union. During his presidency, Truman as the President did what was necessary and best for thi... ...onomic reason; which was practiced against many of our minority groups (Doc. 153: 248). Truman also clarifies that minority groups were not only victims of economic excess; its impact was felt by entire population (Doc. 153: 248). Furthermore, we cannot escape the fact that our civil rights record had been an issue in world politics (Doc. 153: 248). Truman evoked that our foreign policy was designed to make our nation enormous, positive influence for peace and progress throughout the world (Doc. 153: 248). Moreover, we were believed that the free way of our life holds promise of hope for all people (Doc. 153: 248). President believes that it was our promise to keep that promise. For that reason, Truman’s focus on civil rights formed apart of strategy to win reelection in 1948 (Forner, Ch.23: 857).

Horse and Depreciation Adjusted Basis

Comprehensive Problem Introduction: Betty, whose tax rate is 33%, is in the business of breeding and racing horses. Except for the transactions below, she has no other sales or exchanges and she has no unrecaptured net Sec. 1231 losses. Consider the following transactions that occur during the year: * A building with an adjusted basis of $300,000 is destroyed by fire. Insurance proceeds of $500,000 are received, but Betty does not plan to replace the building. The building was built 12 years ago at a cost of $430,000 and used to provide lodging for her employees.Straight-line depreciation has been used. * Four acres of the farm are condemned by the state to widen the highway and Betty receives $50,000. The land was inherited from her mother 15 years ago when its FMV was $15,000. Her mother purchased the land for $10,300. Betty does not plan to purchase additional land. * A racehorse purchased four years ago for $200,000 was sold for $550,000. Total depreciation allowed using the stra ight-line method amounts to $160,000. * Equipment purchased three years ago for $200,000 is exchanged for $100,000 of IBM common stock. The adjusted basis of the equipment is $120,000.If straight-line depreciation had been used, the adjusted basis would be $152,000. * An uninsured pony with an adjusted basis of $20,000 and FMV of $35,000, which her daughter uses only for personal use, is injured while attempting a jump. Because of the injury, the uninsured pony has to be destroyed by a veterinarian. Task(s): a. What amount of Sec. 1245 ordinary income must be recognized? Sold for $200,000 Depreciation adjusted basis’s of $152,000 $200,000-$152,000= $48,000 b. What amount of Sec. 1250 ordinary income must be recognized? From insurance $300,000 depreciation ordinary $430,000 300,000-430,000= -70,000 c. Will the loss resulting from the destruction of her daughter’s pony be used to determine net Sec. 1231 gains or losses? Yes d. What is the amount of the net Sec. 1231 gain or loss? There’s a loss of $15,000 e. After all of the netting of gains or losses is completed, will the gain resulting from the involuntary conversion of the building be treated as LTCG? No the building is old and it would seem not to fall into that category f. What is the amount of her unrecaptured Sec. 1250 gain? I would say zero because she never really sold anything

The Meaning of Family Photographs

The Meaning of Family Photographs By Charles Williams |[pic] | |Vanek family members dance. | The family is on vacation. A father takes out his point-and-shootcamera, poses his wife and kids and takes a quick snapshot. Eventually, the photograph is filed away in the family photo album. Ameaningless activity? Maybe not. Everyday, thousands of familyphotographs are taken with little regard for the meaning of therecorded image. Much attention has been paid to scholars' views ofdomestic life.However, relatively little attention has been paid tocultural productions, such as photo albums, that have been generatedby families themselves (Trend, 1992). By neglecting discussion onthis subject, scholars indicate that the home is not a place ofserious academic work (Trend, 1992). But researchers increasingly arestudying the meaning behind the photographs. April Saul won firstplace in the Feature Picture Story category at the 1992 Pictures ofthe Year competition for her portrayal of the American family. Shebelieved that family struggles were an important topic of journalism. I hope what it [winning] means is that the everyday struggles of anAmerican family are as valid in their own way as the struggles goingon in Azerbajian or Sarajevo — and that the private wars next doorcan be as compelling as the bloody, public ones thousands of milesaway. † Family photographs can be considered cultural artifacts becausethey document the events that shape families' lives. Thus, therecording of family history becomes an important endeavor. In manycases, photographs are the only biographical material people leavebehind after they die (Boerdam, Martinius, 1980).But, the impact offamily photo albums extends beyond merely recording history. Interpretation of family structures, relationships and self ispossible through viewing family photographs. The Meaning of family photographs Interpretation of meaning behind photographs assumes that they are ameans of communication (Entin, 19 79). Family photographs can tell astory. One photograph can be a mini-slice of an occurrence, but theaccumulation of pictures begins to reveal threads of consistent themesand patterns. For all practical purposes, they become an informalphoto essay.Much like family storytelling, photographs indicaterelationships within and among the family. Indeed, the family photoalbum is an easy way to initiate outsiders to family history (Boerdam,Martinius, 1980). Photographs provide an easy topic of conversationallowing potential family members, such as boyfriends or girlfriends,to be initiated into family structures and tradition. A key principleto consider when interpreting photographs is that they are produced bychoice. Choices about who, what, when and where to photograph can sayas much about the photographer as the subject.The camera does notsimply record an event but also records what the photographer choosesto see. Photographs are a statement about one's perception of theworld. They are a reflection and definition of self. If that personhas a happy family, then others may perceive him to be a good husbandor wife. Parents' innocent snapshots are important in constructingtheir sense of identity (Merz, 1988). Traditionally, photographs havebeen taken from a male perspective. The father is most often absentfrom family photographs because he is the one who usually commandsauthority, poses the family and takes the picture (Trend, 1992).The family photographer isn't the only one who has authority to shape thefamily image. Other people may edit the photos. Some photographs areselected for presentation in an album while others are rejected. Control of the editorial process can be as important as control overproduction of the photographs. Decisions regarding what to keep,throw away and display can provide valuable information about theperson assembling the album. History of Family Portraiture Portraits of family members originally were produced by earlypainters.Prior to the Tw entieth century, family portraits were astatement of power and profession. Paintings were expensive and timeconsuming to produce, thereby limiting subject matter to heads ofstate, military leaders, royalty or other members of the ruling class. When the daguerreotype was prominent (1840-1860), early inventors andphotographers were well respected and belonged to the social elite. When the process was cheaper, people began going to photographicstudios, usually during special occasions such as weddings where aserious, dignified atmosphere was observed.The well-respected natureof photography, elegant studio furnishings and the knowledge that apermanent image was being created, caused the atmosphere to be tenseand the portraits to appear rigid (Boerdam, Martinius, 1980). Becausefilm speeds were relatively slow, long exposures were necessary whichrequired subjects to remain stationary for long periods of time. However, in the later half of the Nineteenth century, impressionistpainters such as Vincent Van Gogh changed the manner in which manypeople constructed family portraits.His paintings were of commonpeople in common situations causing a shift from formal to informalportraiture (Halle, 1991). Similar changes began to occur in thephotographic medium during the early Twentieth century. Streetphotographers began operating around family tourist attractions. Atthe time, few people owned a camera so it wasn't unusual to have thefamily's picture taken at the beach by such photographers. As aresult, the clothing and poses became more relaxed and informal andthe backgrounds became more significant. These types of photos wereforerunners to the casual present-day family photograph.By the 1920sand 1930s, photo albums included both formal studio portraiture andcarefree vacation shots (Boerdam, Martinius, 1980). Advances intechnology increased the ability of the average person to produceinformal vacation pictures. George Eastman had introduced the firstKodak camera in 1885. â⠂¬Å"You press the button, we do the rest,† was thecompany's motto. Improvements continued, including introduction ofthe 35mm Leica in 1924 as well as technical advances such as smallercameras, faster films and flash. The scope of possible shootinglocations was increased with the invention of the flash.Indoorphotography, where much of personal life is conducted, fell within therealm of the amateur photographer. Technical capabilities beganproviding intimate access to the home. Changes in technologyparalleled changes in behavior. As more people owned cameras andbecame familiar with their workings, the photographic process becameless intimidating, and the proliferation of the equipment beganchanging the content of the photographs (Boerdam, Martinius, 1980). In addition, people simply became accustomed to being photographed. This in turn produced more casual situations, hence more causalsubjects.In early photographs, the subjects were often posed, muchlike they had been for painte rs. The beach photographers offered amore relaxed style, but they too had the subjects stare straight intothe camera. A new kind of snapshot eventually would emerge that nowdominates photo albums. It shows a group of people engaged in someongoing activity, not necessarily looking at the camera. A downsidedoes exist to the proliferation of simple cameras. When they becameinexpensive and easy to use, they flourished in American society. However, trade-offs were inevitable.The lack of need for technicalexpertise was counterbalanced by a lack of creative control. Point-and-shoot cameras are equipped with fixed-focus lenses andpre-set apertures ensuring that medium range shots are the norm(Trend, 1992). Photography has become easier and thus more popular. Everyone has the potential to take good family photographs especiallysince the introduction of color-negative film which allows moreexposure latitude. The subsequent rise in the number of photos takenconfirms this fact. In the Netherlan ds in 1960, the number of colorphotographs taken was 600,000.In 1974, it was 103 million (Boerdam,Martinius, 1980). The easier-to-use cameras likely have acceleratedthe use of cameras by women to photograph their children. So eventhough the number of formal, solemn occasions is decreasing, thenumber of photographs is drastically increasing. Photographicrepresentation was possible as early as 1840. Yet society wasunprepared for such a revelation. An unplanned social processdeveloped that established which aspects of community life it wasappropriate to photograph (Boerdam, Martinius, 1980). As a result,communities established norms that continue to have an effect onsubject matter.Relationships between family members and amongrelatives are less formal and less controlled by religious and otherinstitutions outside of the family than in previous generations. Theinfluence of the church has diminished in some communities; therefore,ceremonies such as baptisms are less essential sources of familyrecord keeping. (Boerdam, Martinius, 1980). Although most occasionscan be photographed from a technical standpoint, social and ethicallimitations on subject matter remain. Arguments, fights, sickness,death and sex are rarely documented photographically. This hasn'talways been the case.Dead children were photographed during thenineteenth century, sometimes lying in a cradle and sometimes beingheld in their mother's arms. In Austria, so many people went to photostudios with dead children that a public health threat was declaredand the government prohibited the practice (Boerdam, Martinius, 1980). Very few of these photographs exist today. It is likely that as theywere passed down in subsequent generations, and viewed as being inpoor taste and destroyed. Some researchers even believe that sexphotographs are becoming less taboo (Boerdam, Martinius, 1980).Inany case, family albums are rarely a true and accurate depiction ofthe family. Objectivity always remains questionable. The id ealized nuclear family – Say â€Å"cheese† â€Å"It's only smiles that count in photographs,† states Laurie Taylor inher humorous view of the family photo album. She wonders if the blankstares in a photograph are a testament to the blissful beginning of anaffair, or evidence of its traumatic final days? Photographs offamily members often are constructed with a skewed concept of reality. They usually depict an idealized nuclear family, meaning a husband,wife and children, enjoying pleasurable moments.In her book â€Å"FamilySnaps: The Meanings of Domestic Photography,† Patricia Holland says†The compulsive smiles in the snapshots of today insist on theexclusive claim of the family group to provide satisfying and enduringrelationships, just as the calm dignity of earlier pictures emphasizedthe formality of family ties. † The obsession with depicting thefamily as a united, happy entity is clear. In a study conducted byHalle, no head of the househo ld's divorced spouse appeared in any ofthe pictures, and very few photographs depicted people as unhappy orlonely. The message is loud and clear.Heterosexual marriage andchildren produce a fun and satisfying life. By far, most of thephotos showed the family at leisure, especially on overseas vacations. Formal pictures including those of people in business suits, militaryuniforms or wedding attire did exist, but only accounted for thirtypercent or less of the displayed photographs (Merz, 1988). Likewise,occasions in which a nuclear family would participate are depicted asfun. During the early 1960s, French sociologist Pierre Bourdieupublished a series of photographic essays that he titled Un art moyen.Bourdieu wondered why so many people wanted cameras and why thepractice of photography was so widespread. He believed it was morethan just a natural occurrence. Bourdieu concluded that similaritiesexist within family photographs. In a French market survey heconducted from 1962 to 1963, he concluded that more than two-thirds ofthe amateur photographers he interviewed take their photographs almostexclusively at predictable moments. They photographed particularlyat ceremonies, meetings and holidays (Boerdam, Martinius, 1980). Seldom are the photos a complete and accurate depiction of reality.Family image, not family history is depicted in the photographs thatare displayed. Major events that strongly influence peoples' livesare completely ignored. One of the most obvious situations that ismissing from the family album is work or anything to do with work(Merz, 1988). This is tragic because labor-related relationships andachievements form a substantial part of peoples' lives. Alsoconspicuously missing are photographs of dead children. Death andwork seem to be taboo subjects in most photo albums. Displaying photographs in the homeCelebration rituals such as weddings or Christenings are recorded;divorces and funerals are not (Merz, 1988). Even within theserituals, the emp hasis remains on the family. A study found thatalmost all the photographs displayed in households were of familymembers (Halle, 1991). Very few photos of friends, colleagues andstrangers were present. Friends were seen in wedding photos, but theevent depicts the joyous creation of a nuclear family. The number offamily photographs that are displayed in households is surprising. Inone study, almost all households were found to display photographs(Halle, 1991).As expected, the number of photos in a household wasgreater if the occupant had children or grandchildren. Although thiswasn't surprising, other factors such as gender were found to have aninfluence on decoration of the home. It was unusual that fewerphotographs were found in homes where the head of the household was amale who held an artistic job such as photographer, architect or filmmaker than for women in similar occupations. The discrepancy may haveresulted because women were more interested in the social aspects ofthe photo graph as opposed to the aesthetic aspects (Halle, 1991).Physical groupings also are important. Most family photographs aredisplayed in clusters. In one study, eighty-nine percent of familyphotographs were displayed in groups of four or more (Halle, 1991). Pictures are huddled together even if the people in them are not. People are very seldom presented alone. It is very rare to find aphoto of one person displayed by itself, especially when that personis an adult resident of the house. This occurred in less than onehalf of one percent of the households that were tested (Halle, 1991).Children are often depicted alone, but they are too young to beexpected to maintain meaningful relationships. Those that aremeaningful are subject to transition. Today's high divorce rate castsa shadow over the nuclear family. Thus, the method of displayingphotographs may signify the instability of modern-day relationships. Most pictures are likely to stand free on tables, dressers, mantles orother flat s urfaces as opposed to walls. Only about a third of familyphotographs hang on walls. Photos that are not hung on walls are moreeasily interchanged and regrouped. Social StructureFundamental changes to American society and the family structure maybe hampering the production of ancestral photography (Halle, 1991). The ties that once bound children to their parents are no longerpresent. Nursing homes, social security and pension plans haverelieved the youth from supporting their parents. Older people havebeen moving south to retirement communities, sometimes away from theirfamilies, so they can enjoy the warm weather. The manner in whichchildren relate to their parents has changed over the past fiftyyears, and the changing relationships may be reflected though thedisplay of photographs.Between 42 and 62 percent of households in onestudy displayed pictures of at least one parent. (Halle, 1991). Thenumbers quickly decreased as further generations were explored. Aboutten percent of househo lds displayed a picture of at least onegrandparent, and about three percent displayed a picture of greatgrandparents. Of course, it is possible that the families may haveowned pictures but simply did not display them. Social class appearsto be a factor in the display of photographs. Differences wereobserved between albums produced by middle-class families and familiesof lower income or working classes.People with middle-classlifestyles had higher proportions of photographs of mutual friends andfriends of their children than working-class families (Gardner, 1991). Presumably due to increased social ties associated with more socialprominence. Working-class family albums included more pictures of thehusband's friends than the wife's. Segregated friendship patterns arecommonly found among working-class couples where the male is in chargeof the household (Gardner, 1991). Working-class families' albums wereless kin oriented, but they see each other more often causinginteraction to become more routine.As an event becomes common, it isless likely to be photographed. In addition to social classdifferences, cultural differences may be a factor in the display ofphotographs. Only one in 105 households that were included in asample displayed a school photograph of a child together withclassmates (Halle, 1991). The home was occupied by a Japanese couple. Japanese society tends to be more collective than American society. Role Behavior An examination of photo albums was made to determine if differencesoccurred in the portrayal of people as they assumed the role ofparents (Titus, 1976).Repetitive patterns in the parenting role canbe observed through photographs including feeding, holding the childand interactions with relatives. Albums were examined to determine ifthe photographs of parents after they had their first child weredifferent than those after they had subsequent children. It wasassumed that parents would become accustomed to many of the rolechanges, and the subsequ ent photographs would reflect these changes. Photographs of mothers caring for their first child were far moreprevalent than with subsequent children (Titus, 1976).The same wastrue of fathers. The number of solo portraits also decreased afterthe first child although this may not constitute a difference inaffection toward the first born, but simply an accustomization to newroles (Titus, 1976). Both the parents and the newborn child mustlearn new behavior. Parents may not have to re-learn their behaviorwith subsequent children. Even though one spouse may be more inclinedto take photographs, both spouses were significantly represented inparenting photographs (Titus, 1976).However, most photographs werepredominately of pleasant tasks such as holding and feeding. While itmay have been necessary to hold children in order to present them tothe camera, this wouldn't have been the case when feeding. Picturesof parents feeding children were far more likely to occur with thefirst child. Very f ew photos of unpleasant tasks such as diaperingand bathing were included in the albums. Therapeutic uses of family photographs Photographs can prove to be an invaluable source of information whenresolving personal problems.Photographs are not subject to memoryrecollection, and a person's portrayal of events can be quitedifferent from what appears in the photographs (Kaslow, 1979). Theinformation is intimate because family photographs are collected fromthe inside compared with journalistic institutions, which usuallyoperate as outsiders (Titus, 1976). Photo albums and home moviesprovide the richest sources of memories about the family (Entin,1979). They offer an intimate look at personal relationships. Psychologists recently have begun using this display of intimacy tohelp resolve family conflicts.Photographs have the power to conjureup memories, sometimes painful, of bygone years. However, the reasonthat many people take photographs is to preserve happy memories. Whena relationship sours, the photographs that intentionally focus onhappy moments merely exacerbate the situation. It becomes painful toview all the â€Å"good times† without reference to the bad. Familyphotographs now are being used as a means of therapy to discuss thesechanges in lifestyles. The technique, often referred to asphototherapy, is effective because people from all socioeconomicgroups possess photos that can be discussed.A review of familyphotographs can often prompt people to talk about family stories,goals, events and history. Not only does phototherapy help peopledeal with issues of the past, but it also helps renew relationships inthe present (Entin, 1979). The mere presentation of photographs canreveal much about the organization, chaos or fragmentation of aperson's life. If people's photo albums are disorganized andpartially complete, so too may be the case with their lives. Bygathering significant photos, patients often realize that pieces oftheir scrapbook are missing, pro mpting long overdue visits home.Sometherapists are using family photo reconnaissance as a means of dealingwith sexual problems (Kaslow, 1979). Desires toward spouses can beinhibited if deaths of parents, children or loved ones are not fullymourned. Kaslow has found that couples with sexual problems oftenhave a resurgence in desire after reviewing their wedding album. Problems such as female frigidity are sometimes traced back to earlyphotographs of women patients. Many times they appear â€Å"sparklingclean, perfectly groomed and standing prim and proper† (Kaslow, 1979).The way people feel about their bodies can be witnessed inphotographs. Baggy clothes could indicate a puritanical attitude orshame of the body leading to frigidity, impotence or infrequent sexualdesire (Kaslow, 1979). Body positioning such as slumping may indicatedepression just as an upright position could indicate confidence. Thesize and prominence of family members' portraits can indicateattitudes, such as favoritism, toward those portrayed (Entin, 1979). Presentation in inappropriate locations such as the bedroom may evencause sexual inhibition.The storytelling nature of albums allowpsychologists to study patterns of photography to determine if changesin attitudes may be occurring. If a second child is photographedsignificantly more than the firstborn, psychologists may question thefamilies' expectations concerning sex or attractiveness of the firstborn and whether problems such as illegitimacy, handicap ordisfigurement may play a role (Entin, 1979). In her book â€Å"WaucomaTwilight: Generations of the Farm,† Dona Schwartz describes the mannerin which her photographs provided a context during her interviews.The photographs showed details of everyday life and the context inwhich events occurred in the community. The insight gained throughher own fieldwork and subjects' responses to pictures was morevaluable than the actual content of the photographs (Schwartz, 1992). She compa red her interview process with Christopher Musello'sdescription of â€Å"family viewing contexts. † Musello believes familydiscussion of photographs establishes a â€Å"verbal context delineatingwhat should be attended to and what significances are located in theimage,† (Musello, 1980).Conclusions By viewing family photographs, much can be discovered about familystructures, relationships, and the self. Family photographs primarilyserve to remind people of good times with loved ones. This isapparent as the image of the nuclear family is constantly repeated inthe photo albums of most families. Much research remains to be done inthe study of family photographs. Even though American society isobsessed with presenting the image of a happy nuclear family, moreresearch should be conducted on the portrayal of alternativelifestyles.Gay and lesbian couples, alternative families and singleparents need to have their family photographs analyzed to determine ifdiffering lifestyles s ignificantly affect photo content. Also, photocontent produced during transitions in relationships such as divorces,separations and sibling rivalries needs to be studied. Additionally,content analysis of both American and foreign albums needs to beconducted to determine the degree to which cultural differences affectcontent. And finally, additional studies on the factors that affectediting decisions need to be conducted.The literature review producedmuch information on the benefits of photographic analysis topsychologists. However, there was little information on the manner inwhich other professionals, such as journalists, could use theinterpretive meaning of photographs. Historical documents, such asfamily photographs, can provide essential background information aswell as indicate important people and relationships within a story. Through my research component, I intend to discover the manner inwhich journalists use historical documents to provide story context. Because online new spapers ave the capability to provide greatercontext due to the potential inclusion of sound and video, I also planto investigate the way emerging technologies might affect presentationof contextual information. [pic] References Boerdam, Jaap and Warna Oosterbaan Martinius. (Oct, 1980). â€Å"Family Photographs – A Sociological Approach,† The Netherlands Journal of Sociology, v16, n2, pp. 95-119. Gardner, Saundra. (May, 1991). â€Å"Exploring the Family Album: Social Class Differences in Images of Family Life,† Sociological Inquiry, v61, n2, pp. 242-251. Halle, David. Summer, 1991). â€Å"Displaying the Dream: The Visual Presentation of Family and Self in the Modern American Household,† Journal of Comparative Family Studies, 22: pp. 217-229. Kaslow, Florence. (Summer, 1979). â€Å"What Personal Photos Reveal About Marital Sex Conflicts,† Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy, 5: pp. 134-141. Merz, Caroline. (August, 1988). â€Å"Smile, please,† New Statesman & Society, v1, n10, p. 42. Musello, Christopher. (1980). â€Å"Studying the Home Mode: An exploration of Family Photography and Visual Communication,† Studies in Visual Communication, v6, n1, pp. 3-42. Saul, April. (August, 1992). â€Å"Compelling stories of ‘private wars next door',† News Photographer, p. 45. Schwartz, Dona. (1992). â€Å"Waucoma Twilight: Generations of the Farm,† Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press. Taylor, Laurie. (August, 1993). â€Å"Camera Obscura,† New Statesman & Society, v6:p. 21. Titus, Sandra L. (August, 1976). â€Å"Family Photographs and Transition to Parenthood,† Journal of Marriage and the Family, 38: 525-530. Trend, David. (Feb, 1992). â€Å"Look who's talking: Narratives of Family Representations,† Afterimage, v19, n7, p. 8.